medieval.org
capilla.be
Eufoda 1266
1997
1. Tam verenanda [1:34]
anoniem / Brussel, Koninklijke Bibliotheek Albert I ms. IV 421
2. Credo [6:40]
anoniem / Gent, Universiteitsbibliotheek ms. 15
3. Verbum tuum ~ In cruce
[2:32]
Johannes RONDELLI, actief 1436
4. La Spagna [2:05]
Alfonso de la TORRE, actief ca. 1450
5. Jesus ad templum [2:11]
anoniem / Brussel, Koninklijke Bibliotheek Albert I ms. IV 421
6. D'ung aultre amer
[2:47]
Alexander AGRICOLA, ca. 1446-1506
7. Beatus Landoaldus [7:50]
anoniem / Gent, Universiteitsbibliotheek ms. 15
8. Ihesus coninc overal
[4:48]
anoniem / Brussel, Koninklijke Bibliotheek Albert I ms. IV 421
9. Joly et gay [1:48]
Hugo de LANTINS, actief 1420-1430
10. Tout a coup [2:22]
ADAM, actief 1420-1430
11. Omnes Mauritium [2:31]
anoniem / Brussel, Koninklijke Bibliotheek Albert I ms. 9786
12. Chanson [3:44]
anoniem / Firenze, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, ms. Banco Rari 229 /
Tongeren, Sint-Nildaaskerk, Varia s.s.
13. In tua memoria
[2:26]
Arnoldus de LANTINS, actief 1430
14. Salve, sancta parens
[3:07]
Johannes BRASSART, ca. 1400-1451
15. Verbum patris hodie
[2:48]
Johannes de SARTO, actief 1390-1440
16. Ave virtus ~ Prophetarum
[5:17]
Nicolaus GRENON, ca. 1380-1456
17. Prevalet simplicitas
[2:15]
Arnoldus de RUTTIS, actief 1420
18. Ave Virgo ~ Sancta Maria
[3:15]
Johannes FRANCHOIS, actief 1378-1415
Capilla Flamenca
Dirk Snellings
Katelijne van Laethem · sopraan
Katrien Druyts · sopraan
Marnix de Cat · contratenor
Jan Caals · tenor
Lieven Termont · bariton
Dirk Snellings · bas
Credo:
Patrick Van Goethem, contratenor
Jan van Elsacker, tenor
Bart Demuyt, bariton
Paul Mertens, bas
Sophie Watillon, discant gamba
Eugeen Schreurs, alt gamba
Liam Fenelly, bas gamba
William Dongeois, Michèle Vandenbroucque, Franck Poitrineau · Alta Capella
Wim Diepenhorst, orgel
Samenstelling en musicologisch advies: Eugeen Schreurs
Transcripties
Barbara Hagg, Royal Holloway, Londen: #7
Eugeen Schreurs, Alamire Foundation, K.U. Leuwven: #1, 4, 5, 11, 13
Instrumentenbouwers:
Gamba's: Toon Moonen
Orgel: Christian Ancion (ca. 1644), Sint-Truiden, Begijnhofkerk
Opname: Kapel van het Iers College, Leuven, mei 1995
Digitale opname en montage: Jo Cops
Artistieke leiding: Paul Beelaerts
Grafische vormgeving: Daniël Peetermans
Coverillustratie: Gerard Horenbout · Processie op Sacramentsdag,
Getijdenboek (Spinola-getijdenboek'),
Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum, 83.ML.114 (Ms. Ludwig IX.18), fol. 48v
© 1997 Davidsfonds/Eufoda
Music for Burghers, Beguines and Clerics in the 15th Century
EUGEEN SCHREURS
Flanders, with prosperous cities such as Bruges and Ghent; Brabant with
its ‘courtly cities’ of Brussels and Mechelen respectively;
the rising metropolitan city of Antwerp and the independent
prince-bishopric of Liège, with besides its capital also smaller
towns such as Tongeren and Sint-Truiden: these were all regions and
towns where music, monophonic as well as polyphonic, was nurtured.
Courts - such as the Burgundian-Habsburg court - collegiate churches,
parish churches, monasteries, beguinages and brotherhoods were the main
institutions which guaranteed a flourishing and rich musical life which
reached such a highly professional level that it was renowned well
beyond these regions’ borders. It even inspired imitation, as can
be seen in the fact that Maximilian had his court chapel organised
after the ‘Brabant model’.
The diversity in sound in these - mainly religious - institutions, and
the co-operation with wandering minstrels, burghers and municipal
authorities, resulted in a musical boom, showing diversity as well as
quantity and quality. The interchange between these groups of musicians
resulted in a sound which is no longer known and which today, even in
authentic performance practice, is seldom heard in all its diversity.
In this context the London and Oxford professor Reinhard Strohm made an
inspired choice when coining the term
‘townscape-soundscape’ in his pioneering book Music in
Late Medieval Bruges.
For a long time musicology, with performers in its wake, has made an
exaggerated contradistinction between Gregorian chant and polyphony.
Presumably this distinction had at first a didactic reason, but after a
while it started to lead its own life. Admittedly, at the time the term
‘simple sanck’ was also used - ‘simple song’
for denoting plainchant. On the other hand, musical sources also speak
of ‘musieck in discante’ - ‘descant music’
which meant ‘learned’ polyphony. However, this never
implied any idea of opposites. On the contrary: both genres were
commonly used in perfect symbiosis during the numerous church services.
Examples of more ‘recently’ composed plainchant are the two
responsories from the Office of Saint Landoaldus (‘Beatus
Landoaldus’), a saint whose relics were transferred during the
10th century from the village of Wintershoven, which was owned by St.
Bavon’s Abbey, to Ghent, where he was worshipped from then on.
The work was written in a 15th century gradual (Ghent, University
Library, MS 15) originating from St. Bavon’s in Ghent. Monodic
spiritual songs could also be included in ‘simple song’,
such as Ihesus coninc overal, which can be found in the library
of the Ter Nood Gods monastery in Tongeren (Brussels, Royal Library
Albert I, MS IV 421).
The order of precedence was also diffèrent from what we have
long thought in the 20th century: for late medieval man the ancient,
austere Gregorian chant - including its local, specific offices - came
top and the complex polyphony provided the necessary
‘varietas’ or variety in the canons’ choir.
Polyphonic music was also often based on the monophonic spiritual
repertoire. An example is the complex isorhythmic motet Ave
virtus/Prophetarum by Nicolas Grenon, who worked in Cambrai, the
Burgundian court and the Papal Chapel in Rome and who was also canon at
Dendermonde. The tenor part, which supports the whole composition with
its slow notes, is based on the finale of the sequence Laetabundus.
The fact that in such isorhythmic motets several texts were sung
simultaneously, was apparently no problem. Of course - and it makes
this probably easier to understand - this type of polyphony was often
meant for connoisseurs, ‘learned’ canons who probably knew
the complicated texts beforehand or who sometimes wrote them themselves.
In line with the somewhat exaggerated distinction between Gregorian
chant and polyphony, the role of ‘simple polyphony’ has
until fairly recently also been underestimated and the research in this
field neglected. The performance of this type of music has received
equally little attention, because it was thought too
‘primitive’. Nevertheless, these are the roots of
polyphony. Polyphony was of course closely linked to plainchant and it
was also common practice to improvise polyphonically above the
plainchant. These ex tempore harmonisations of a plainchant melody from
the Gregorian book (‘cantare super librum’) were held in
high regard - in 16th century Italy, for example, it was also known as
a form of ‘contrapunto alla mente’. There are still quite a
few myths in circulation regarding this simple, homophonic music
practice in faux-bourdon style, which remained common until the 18th
century. The remaining examples are few and far between and have not
yet been catalogued completely, but those pieces that we do know are
particularly instructive because they offer a better understanding of
the way polyphony came to be.
The influence of the Modern Devotion movement helped to spread the use
of this simple polyphonic style in monastic congregations belonging to
the order of Windesheim. The previously mentioned Tongeren manuscript
(Brussels, Royal Library Albert I, MS IV 421), from the second half of
the 15th century, is remarkable in this respect. It contains monophonic
and two-part Dutch and Latin songs and was discovered as recently as
1945 in Jongenbosch Castle. In the polyphonic settings of this
manuscript the old technique of 13th century descant with parallel
fifths and octaves and counter-movements (for example, Jesus ad
templum) was consciously reverted to, while piercing dissonances
were not avoided (for example, unprepared seconds in Tam veneranda).
From later periods it transpires that this style was also in use in
beguinages. An example of this can be heard in a late 16th century Ave
verum which originates from the Great Beguinage in Mechelen and is
now owned by the Leuven Theological Library (MS 3049h).
This elementary form of simple polyphony was also common, up to a
point, in collegiate churches where it was given a place besides
plainchant and complex polyphony. In the aristocratic convent of
Munsterbilzen, which was in fact a collegiate church with a double
chapter of 24 aristocratic female and four male canons, a similar
compositional procedure was known - for example, the two-part Omnes Mauritium in praise
of the local Bilzen patron saint Maurice. The work of Johannes Brassart
shows very clearly that this improvisational technique had a direct
influence on complex, composed polyphony. Brassart usually worked for
the German emperors and sang, with Dufay, for a time at the Papal
Chapel in Rome. His compositions include the three-part introit Salve,
sancta parens where in some passages a somewhat more elaborated
form of improvised counterpoint can be clearly heard. A four-part
‘Credo’ originates from St. Bavon’s Abbey in Ghent,
which was later given collegiate status. The tenor was originally
written monophonically, but the addition of a bass and two upper parts
resulted in a composition in faux-bourdon style, although a number of
alterations in the bass give a rather modern effect. It is a
magnificent work, impressive in all its simplicity. In this composition
the organ is also used alternately with polyphonic singing, as can be
deduced from the indications ‘chorus’ and
‘organum’.
Another over-emphasised contradistinction is that between spiritual and
profane music. Both genres were partly performed by the same musicians,
which can be deduced from the contents of certain manuscripts (for
example, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS 213 or Bologna, Civico Museo
Bibliografico Musicale, MS Q15). This is no different in the more
recently discovered fragments of a Tongeren ‘Songbook’
which was probably meant for use in the collegiate church. Here,
besides a Salve Regina-like setting, a very distinct reading
can be found of Ockeghem’s D’ung aultre amer, a
chanson which was later repeatedly reworked, by Alexander Agricola
among many others. Besides being performed by church musicians, this
type of mixed spiritual-profane repertoire was also sung and played in
domestic situations or by travelling musicians, often on instruments.
When played instrumentally, the texts of the vocal models was usually
left out, as in the ‘dream-like’ wordless chanson which
probably originates from a rondeau.
There was a real distinction, however, between domestic music making
and music in open air, especially in the choice of instruments:
‘bas’ (low, soft) in contrast with ‘haultz’
(loud). Each sizeable town had an ensemble of at least three wind
instrument players at its disposal, an ‘alta capella’,
consisting of cornetto, shawm and sackbut. During processions or
important liturgical feasts (for example Corpus Christi) the services
of these musicians were required and others taking part were priests,
guild members, monks, town magistrates and the faithful: varied
processions indeed, as is evident from many detailed archival
descriptions. Often the musicians marched in front of the priest who
carried the sacrament under a canopy. Besides dance music and
improvisations on profane and spiritual tenor melodies, these town
musicians gradually started playing spiritual motets as well, as for
example Verbum Patris hodie by Johannes de Sarto.
Translation: Paul Rans, Nell Race