medieval.org
L'Oiseau Lyre 433 148
1991
2007: L'Oiseau Lyre 475 9103
Et in circuitu sedo sedilia
vigintiquattuor, et super thronos vigintiquattuor seniores sedentes
circumamicti vestimentis albis, et in capitibus eorum coronae aureae...
These ‘citharas’ were interpreted
very freely by the medieval artists and sculptors, but normally they
were shown as stringed instruments. The twenty-four Elders so
brilliantly sculpted by Mateo on the great Pórtico de la Gloria
of Santiago Cathedral play fiddles, gittems, harps, rottas, psalteries,
knee fiddles and, in the centre of the semi-circular ensemble, an
organistrum or two-man hurdy-gurdy.
Nimio
gaudio miratur, qui peregrinantum choros circa beati Jacobi altare
venerandum vigilantes videt: Theutonici enim in alia parte, Francia in
alia, Italia in alia catervatim commorantur, cercos ardentes manibus
tenentes; unde tota ecclesia ut sol vel dies clarissima illuminantur.
Alii citharis psallant, alii liris, alii timphanis, alii tibiis, alii
fistulis, alii tubis, alii sambrecis, alii violis, alii rotis
Britannicis eel Gallicis, alii psalteriis, all diversisi generibus
musicorum cantanda vigilant, alii pecuntur diversa genera linguarum,
diversi clamores barbarorum loquele et cantilene Theutonicorum,
Anglorum, Grecorum, ceterarumque tribuum et gentium diversarum omnium
mundi climatum.
In this wonderful description of the pilgrims
singing and playing around the altar of Santiago Cathedral during the
feast day vigil of St James, the list of instruments played together by a
large group of international participants includes harps, lyres, drums,
shawms, flutes, trumpets, fiddles, British or French rotes and
psalteries. Such spontaneous music-making must have been informal, but,
assuming a common repertoire, reasonably successful and impressive!
CD 1
NAVARRE AND CASTILE
1. Quen a Virgen ben servira [8:23]
Escorial MS CSM 103
soprano CB, chorus, lute TF, fiddle PB, tbilat SH
2. Belial vocatur ~ TENOR [2:10]
Las Huelgas MS Hu 81
sopranos TB CB, alto KSz, bells SH, organ DR
3. Surrexit de tumulo [1:36]
Las Huelgas MS Hu 91
sopranos TB CB, bells SH, organ DR
4. Non e gran cousa [9:54]
Escorial MS CSM 26
soprano CB, chorus, lutes TF PCh, harp HD, fiddles PB GL PS CM MC ML SP SG RB, tabors SH, tambourine FR
[+ instrumental CSM 77 ]
5. Ex illustri [2:03]
Las Huelgas MS Hu 132
sopranos TB CB, alto KSz
6. Alpha bovi ~ DOMINO [1:53]
Las Huelgas MS Hu 83
sopranos TB CB, bells SH, organ DR
7. 4 Planctus [14:27]
soprano CB, symphony PhP, gittern TF, fiddle PB
· Plange Castella misera [2:44]
Las Huelgas MS Hu 172
· instrumental interlude [2:59]
· Quis dabis capiti meo aquam [2:25]
Las Huelgas MS Hu 170
· Rex obiit et labitur [2:45]
Las Huelgas MS Hu 169
· O monialis concio [3:34]
Las Huelgas MS Hu 171
8. Verbum bonum et suave [3:41
Las Huelgas MS Hu 54
sopranos CB TB, mezzo CK, alto KSz, bells SH, organ DR
9. Agnus Dei ~ Regula moris [3:05]
Las Huelgas MS Hu 24
sopranos CB TB, mezzo CK, bells SH
10. Fa fa mi fa ~ Ut re mi ut [1:01]
Las Huelgas MS Hu 177
sopranos CB TB
11. Dum pater familias [5:29]
Codex Calixtinus cc 117
gitterns TF PCh, harps HD RH, zither AC, psaltery PhP, fiddles PB GL PS CM MC ML SP SG RB, organistrum MR-WL, tabors SH, tambourine FR
CD 2
LEÓN AND GALICIA
1. De grad'a Santa Maria [17:31]
Escorial MS CSM 253
soprano CB, chorus, lute TF, harp HD, fiddles PB GL PS CM MC ML SP SG RB, symphony PhP, recorder WL, nakers · tabors SH, tambourine FR
2. Annua gaudia [3:13]
Codex Calixtinus cc 99
tenor JMA, baritone SCh
3. Ben com'aos que van per mar [7:49]
Escorial MS CSM 49
soprano CB, chorus, lute TF, fiddle PB, recorder PhP, nakers SH
4. Regi perennis glorie [4:41]
Codex Calixtinus cc 101
tenor JMA, baritones MG SCh, organ DR
5. [5:51]
· Non sofre Santa Maria
Escorial MS CSM 159
· Por dereito ten a Virgen
Escorial MS CSM 175
fiddles PB GL CM MC ML SP SG RB, tabors SH FR
6. Nostra phalanx [3:22]
Codex Calixtinus cc 95
baritone MG, bass SG
7. A Madre de Deus [6:50]
Escorial MS CSM 184
soprano CB, chorus, lute TF, fiddle PB, recorder PhP, tbilat SH
8. Congaudeant catholici [4:50]
Codex Calixtinus cc 96
baritones MG SCh, bass SG
9. MARTIN CODAX. 7 Cantigas de amigo [12:31]
soprano CB, chorus, gittern, symphony PhP, fiddle PB
· Ondas do mar de Vigo [2:15]
ca I
· Mandad' ei comigo [1:34]
ca II
· Mia yrmana fremosa [2:40]
ca III
· Ay Deus se sab' ora [2:20]
ca IV
· Quantas sabedes amar amigo [1:12]
ca V
· Eno sagrado en Vigo [1:03]
ca VI
· Ay ondas que eu vin veer [1:27]
ca VII
10. Dum pater familias [5:48]
Codex Calixtinus cc 117
chorus, gitterns TF PCh, harps HD RH, zither AC, psaltery PhP, fiddles PB GL PS CM MC ML SP SG RB, organistrum MR-WL, tabors SH, tambourine FR
NEW LONDON CONSORT
Philip Pickett
Catherine Bott, soprano
Tessa Bonner, Olive Simpson, Jaqueline Barron, Julia Gooding, Ana-Maria Rincón — sopranos
Jenevora Williams, Catherine King — mezzo-sopranos
Kristine Szulic — alto
John Mark Ainsley — tenor
Michael George, Stephen Charlesworth, Robert Evans — baritones
Simon Grant — bass
Tom Finucane, Paula Chateauneuf — lute, gittern
Hannelore Devaere, Rachel Hamilton — harp
Philip Pickett — psaltery, symphony, recorder, tambourine
Andres Cronshaw — zither
Pavlo Beznosiuk, Giles Lewin, Peter Syrus, Carla Mastandreas, Mairi Campbell — 5-String fiddles
Mark Levy, Susanna Pell, Sarah Groser, Richard Boothby, Mairi Campbell — 3-String ‘8-Shape’ fiddles
Mary Remnant — organistrum
William Lyons — organistrum, recorder
David Roblou — organ
Stephen Henderson — bells, nakers, tbilat (Moroccan clay drums), tabor
Frank Ricotti — tabor, tambourine
Chorus
Catherine Bott · Tessa Bonner · Olive Simpson
Jaqueline Barron · Julia Gooding · Ana-Maria Rincón
Jenevora Williams · Catherine King · Kristine Szulic
John Mark Ainsley · Michael George, Stephen Charlesworth
Robert Evans · Simon Grant
Producer: PETER WADLAND
Engineer: JONATHAN STOKES
Tape editor: TIMOTHY BULL
This recording was made using B & W Loudspeakers
Recording location: Temple Church, London,
31 October - 4 November 1989
Cover:
Illustration from the Cantigas de Santa Maria manuscript
in the library of the Monasterio de San Lorenzo de el Escorial.
(Photo
released and authorized for use by the Patrimonio Nacional, Madrid)
Booklet cover:
Detail from the tympanum of the Portico de la Gloria
of the Cathedral in Santiago de Compostela.
Photo: Arxiu Mas
Art direction: Ann Bradbeer
SOURCES
El Escorial, Real Monasterio de El Escorial b.I.2
El Escorial, Real Monasterio de El Escorial T.j.I
Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional 10069
Burgos, Codex de Las Huelgas
Santiago, Biblioteca de la Catedral, Codex Calixtinus
Las Siete Canciones de Amor, ed. Vindel Madrid 1915 (Facsimile)
EDITIONS AND PERFORMING VERSIONS BY PHILIP PICKETT
℗ © 1991 The Decca Record Company Limited, London
NEW LONDON CONSORT
directed by Philip Pickett
Lute
Tom Finucane - Syrian, Damascus 1973
Paula Chateauneuf - Saleem, Damascus 1896
Gittern
Tom Finucane - Barber, London 1982
Paula Chateauneuf - NRI, Manchester 1977
Harp
Hannelore Devaere - Hobrough, Beauly 1987
Rachel Hamilton - Hobrough, Beauly 1986
Psaltery
Philip Pickett - Booth, Wells 1981
Zither
Andrew Cronshaw - Hopf, Wiesbaden 1935
5-String Fiddle
Pavlo Beznosiuk - Shann, Caemarfon 1978 | Gotschy, Wain 1983
Giles Lewin - Shann, Caernarfon 1983
Peter Syrus - King, Guildford 1973
Carla Mastandreas - Ellis, Hereford 1980
Mairi Campbell - Hansford, London 1979
3-String “8-Shape” Fiddle
Mark Levy - Davies, London 1979
Susanna Pell - Bridgewood, London 1989
Sarah Groser - Crumpler, Leominster 1985
Richard Boothby - Crumpler, Leominster 1983
Symphony
Philip Pickett - Ellis, Hereford 1977 | Palmer, London 1981
Organistrum
Mary Remnant/William Lyons - Crumpler, Leominster 1980
Recorder
Philip Pickett - Von Huene, Boston 1984
William Lyons - Moeck, Celle 1984
Organ
David Roblou - Sillman, London 1984
Bells
Stephen Henderson - Whitechapel Bell Foundry, London 1985
Nakers
Stephen Henderson - Williamson, Spalding 1975
Tbilat
Stephen Henderson - Moroccan, Marrakesh 1982
Tabor
Stephen Henderson - Williamson, Spalding 1975 | Stevenson, London 1985
Frank Ricotti - Williamson, Spalding 1975 | Stevenson, London 1985
Tambourine
Philip Pickett - Williamson, Spalding 1975
Frank Ricotti - Williamson, Spalding 1975
Organ prepared and tuned by Malcolm Greenhalgh
THE PILGRIMAGE TO SANTIAGO
Philip Pickett
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
This
is not the first recording of medieval music associated with the
pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela, and it will probably not be the
last.
In particular, this project owes a great debt to Thomas Binkley
and Andrea von Ramm, whose recordings of this repertory had a profound
influence on the early development of the New London Consort; and to
Carlos Villanueva, director of the Grupo de Camara at the
University of Santiago de Compostela, who unlocked many doors for us and
made our visits to Santiago de Compostela not only more profitable, but
also more stimulating and enjoyable.
I would also like to express my
personal gratitude to the librarians at El Escorial and Santiago
Cathedral for allowing me considerable access to the precious
manuscripts in their care.
There are, of course, only a few songs
which actually deal with Santiago, the pilgrims and the pilgrimage, and
these appear on all the recordings. They are recorded here complete and
uncut for the first time. This recording also introduces new sounds and
new scholarship, and delves more deeply into the polyphonic repertories
of the Las Huelgas manuscript and the Codex Calixtinus.
THE CULT OF SAINT JAMES
Europe
houses many shrines built in medieval times at the burial sites of
saints or apostles, or at places associated with miracles performed by
the Virgin Mary. In Spain, one such shrine was especially famous in the
middle ages — Santiago de Compostela, in the north-west, where pilgrims
came from all over Europe to worship at the grave of St James.
The
first Apostle to be martyred, James the Elder, brother of John and son
of Zebedee, was possibly beheaded in Jerusalem by Herod Agrippa I in 44
AD. James was born in Jaffa. His mother, Mary Salome, was the sister of
Mary, mother of Jesus, thus connecting him directly with the Holy
Family. It has been claimed that before his death James preached in
Spain, but St Paul, in his Epistle to the Romans 15: 20-24, suggests
that Christ was not known in the peninsula.
One source claims
that the relics of St James were found in 813 in Padrón by the hermit
Pelayo with the aid of a miraculous light, another that they were
discovered in Lebredón in 847. The most common belief was that James had
preached in Spain, following Christ's commission to preach the Gospel
to the ends of the earth, and then returned to Jerusalem. After his
martyrdom two disciples brought his body from Jerusalem to Padrón, where
a shrine and succession of churches were built over the tomb. Whatever
the truth of the story, the final resting place of the relics was called
Santiago de Compostela — St James in the Field of Stars, surely a
reference to Pelayo's miraculous light — and became one of the three
main centres of Christian pilgrimage.
Alfonso VI, Imperator Totius Hispaniae,
provided the necessary funds for the building of a Cathedral dedicated
to St James, as well as for the repair and maintenance of the principal
pilgrim road — the Camino Francés. Work was begun on the Basilica in 1078 and completed in 1122. The famous Pórtico de la Gloria, the west door and façade, was added between 1166-88. The workmen who built the Cathedral were supervised by Frenchmen.
By
the 12th century four main pilgrimage routes crossed France, following
Roman roads, and these met at Puente la Reina. The journey from there to
Santiago along the Camino Francés took at least eight days, and
the pilgrims could stay at hospices, often monastic, some twenty miles
apart along the way. They were entitled to free lodging and food, and
were protected by civil law. Many adventures took place along the road,
some of them requiring the help of the Virgin Mary. These are recorded
in the Cantigas de Santa Maria, assembled between 1250-80 by Alfonso el Sabio, King of Castile and León. But not all the music of the Camino Francés
tells of the miracles of the Virgin — there are also Latin conductus
and motets, marching songs, love songs and laments. All the pieces on
this recording tell of the pilgrims and their adventures, or come from
the most important resting places along the way.
THE PILGRIM ROAD
NAVARRE
The
monastery of San Salvador de Leyre can be found just to the north of
the pilgrim road that runs between Jaca and Puente la Reina. The Cantiga
Quen a Virgen ben servira tells how the 10th century abbot, San
Virila, spent 300 years listening to the song of a bird. This abbot was
born in Tiermas and is known to have lived for some time at the
monastery of Samos near Triacastela. He was buried in Leyre, but his
remains were later moved to Pamplona cathedral.
CASTILE
For
travellers along the pilgrim road, Burgos was the most important resting
place, with many hostels and favourable laws governing matters of
special interest to them. The Codex de las Huelgas was compiled at the Cistercian Convent there.
The 13th century cleric and poet Gonzalo de Berceo probably wrote his 25 Milagros de Nuestra Señora
at the monastery of San Millán de la Cogolla for the people of La
Rioja. They form the greatest Castilian contribution to Marian
literature, and among them is the story of the pilgrim who sinned
carnally and met the Devil on the road to Santiago — the story also told
in the Cantiga Non e gran causa. Perhaps
for Berceo it was a local miracle.
LEÓN
The miracle described in the Cantiga De grad'a Santa Maria
occurred before the altar of the church of Santa María la Blanca in
Villalcázar de Sirga, once known as Santa Maria de Villasirga or simply
Villasirga. This 12th century church contains the sepulchre of Don
Felipe, brother of Alfonso el Sabio — an important connection between
the Virgin and Alfonso's Cantigas de Santa Maria.
Between Villálcazar de Sirga
and León is the town of Sahagún. To the south lies the church of the
Franciscan monastery La Peregrina, where the Pilgrim Virgin is
venerated. The Cantiga Ben com'aos tells how she changed her staff into a ray of light to guide a band of pilgrims by night.
GALICIA
It is impossible to pinpoint the exact location of the miracle described in the Cantiga A Madre de Deus, but the text tells us that it occurred in the mountains near to Santiago.
The library of the great Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela today holds the famous Codex Calixtinus,
the provenance and content of which seem to have been widely
misunderstood for centuries. The manuscript contains a guide to the
pilgrim road as well as music associated with St James and the
pilgrimage.
The seven Cantigas de Amigo of Martin Codax tell
of a girl who sits on a hill overlooking the bay of Vigo. Although Vigo
does not lie on the pilgrim road, it is only a little way from Padrón,
where the body of St James is believed to have arrived in Spain.
CANTIGAS DE SANTA MARIA
Monophonic
song in Spain must be regarded as a direct outgrowth of the troubadour
movement. From the time of William IX of Aquitaine contact between the
ruling families of southern France and the Christian kings of Spain was
frequent and close. The large retinues that accompanied these rulers on
their many visits to each other naturally included troubadours and
jongleurs, who also travelled widely on their own. French troubadours
found a ready welcome at Spanish courts and Provençal became the
language of poetry south of the Pyrenees until, in the 13th century,
Spanish songs in the vernacular began to appear. Thus the Cantigas de
Santa Maria originated in a cultured and aristocratic society which
included troubadour song among its many amusements.
Alfonso el Sabio
(the Wise, 1221-84), king of Castile and León from 1252 until his
death, was an enthusiastic patron of the arts and sciences and
established an enduring cultural foundation for the future of his
kingdom. He seems to have been particularly fond of poetry and music,
and his court was not only a haven for French, Islamic and Jewish
culture, but also a natural refuge for troubadours fleeing from the
Albigensian Crusade against the Cathar heresy in Provence.
In literature Alfonso regarded the Cantigas de Santa Maria
as his finest achievement. Assembled between 1250 and 1280, this is a
large collection of over 400 songs telling in a new way the traditional
Marian miracles inherited from late classical Germanic and Romanic
medieval Latin sources.
No New Testament figure owes more to
legend than that of the Virgin Mary. The Gospel account in which she
rarely appears and still more rarely speaks must have seemed
increasingly inadequate and so there arose in primitive times the
apocryphal stories which later satisfied the medieval appetite for
information about her.
In Christian theology the cult of Mary
began to grow in the 6th and 7th centuries. It made some headway in the
circle around Charlemagne's court, and various Offices and Feasts were
introduced into the Liturgy during the 9th and 10th centuries, but the
worship of the Virgin remained little more than a variant of the cults
of the individual saints, holding no special significance until early in
the 11th century, when the popular Marian legends began to be written
down. These were further assembled into collections in several countries
during the 12th century, each collection being given a title such as
‘Miracles of the Blessed Virgin Mary’. From then on the cult developed
quickly — the Office of the Virgin was recited daily, the greatest
cathedrals were built in her name, the dogma of the Immaculate
Conception was anticipated and the new Orders, the Franciscans and
Dominicans, spread her cult among the people.
The poems collected
by Alfonso were all written in Galician — considered by Spanish poets
from the 13th to the 15th centuries as the most suitable language for
lyric poetry, and probably chosen by Alfonso not only because the Cancioneros
of the Galician minstrels had already proved that Galician was best for
the creation of a universally understood lyric epic, but also to link
his collection with the vernacular repertory associated with Santiago de
Compostela.
The texts of the Cantigas are extremely vivid
and down-to-earth. Alfonso makes use of local oral traditions, and
even, he claims, of his own experience — often distinguishing wonders
read about from those heard and seen. The Cantigas recount household
tales and widespread legends, honour foreign shrines, tell of pilgrims
journeying to Spain, and refer to England, France, Italy and other
countries. In every case the Virgin appears at a crucial moment to
dispense mercy and justice. Delight and belief in the miracles may have
been genuine enough, but the detailed accounts of Boccaccio-like
situations that call for Mary's intervention suggest that audiences and
performers alike enjoyed the sins at least as much as the salvation.
It may be a coincidence that some of the stories are set in Soissons, home of Gautier de Coincy, but Gautier's Miracles de Nostre Dame had certainly established a recent literary and musical precedent for the Cantigas
and the idea of the collection as a whole must surely have owed a debt
to Gautier. Even the structure of the Cantigas is reminiscent of
Gautier's epic.
Gautier's Miracles de Nostre Dame form a
massive verse narrative of some 30,000 lines recounting the miracles
associated with the Virgin. He explains that he found these stories in a
Latin manuscript. Several such sources survive, but it is impossible to
trace the origins of all the material contained in his work. The Miracles
was written between 1214 and 1233 while Gautier was Prior at
Vic-sur-Aisne, and survives in more than 80 manuscripts. Gautier
incorporated a number of songs with music into his long narrative, and
22 of the surviving sources include melodies for them. These songs
appear at various points in the text and are mostly new poems in praise
of the Virgin set to pre-existing melodies from a variety of sources,
including monophonic and polyphonic works associated with the repertory
of Notre Dame in Paris. They constitute the earliest substantial
collection of sacred (and above all, Marian) songs in the vernacular. In
contrast, other trouvères produced an almost exclusively secular
repertory.
Alfonso's Cantigas de Santa Maria have survived
in four lavish manuscripts. Three contain the same poems and melodies,
with a few exceptions and minor variants; the fourth contains only poems
— staves had been drawn in preparation but the melodies had never been
added. Every tenth poem in the collection is a song in praise of the
Virgin (Cantiga de Loor). The regularity of this arrangement — so
reminiscent of Gautier's plan — is broken only at the beginning of the
collection, where a sung Prologo precedes the first Cantiga de Loor, and at the end where a Petiçon
follows the last. In the manuscripts the songs are carefully numbered;
rubrics identify the subject of each, strip-cartoon-like series of
beautiful illuminated miniatures tell the story of each miracle, and
miniatures depicting musicians playing or tuning a wide variety of
instruments accompany each of the Cantigas de Loor. These
pictures differ in the various manuscripts, with the exception of those
depicting Alfonso himself, all of which concur in showing him as
supervisor of, or instructor to, clerical and secular scribes who are
compiling the Cantigas while minstrels tune up or wait. Taken
together, the miniatures supply exceptionally accurate and indispensable
information about the instruments in use at Alfonso's court — more than
forty different kinds in all! Interestingly, Moors, Jews and women are
shown playing them as well as aristocratic and rustic Hispanic figures.
There
is some disagreement as to whether Alfonso merely supervised, or wrote
some of the words and music himself. The manuscripts state several times
that he ‘made’ certain Cantigas, and in some he speaks in the first
person. On the other hand, in his General Estoria he explains
that ‘the King writes a book...in the sense that he gathers the material
for it.. adapts it, shows the manner in which it is to be presented and
orders what is to be written’. Whatever the truth of the matter,
Alfonso and his team certainly borrowed a number of well-known songs of
the day for the Cantigas melodies, and evidence shows that these
were mainly drawn from French-based sources on both sides of the
Pyrenees. Of the tunes so far identified, some are trouvère songs, some
come from the Notre Dame repertory, some recall songs of the troubadours
and some are even reminiscent of the few extant notated dance tunes.
CODEX DE LAS HUELGAS
Las
Huelgas, a Cistercian convent near Burgos in Old Castile, was founded
by Alfonso VIII, famous for his victory over the Moslems at the battle
of Las Navas de Tolosa in 1212. The Codex de Las Huelgas was
compiled for the convent around 1300, and has remained there. It is
especially important as the first major source to be wholly notated in
mature Franconian notation, the unambiguous nature of which can be
remarkably helpful in parallel transcriptions and analogous
interpretations of the remainder of the (more ambiguously notated)
repertory.
Most of the music dates from the late 13th century,
but there are some earlier pieces and some early 14th century additions.
A large number of pieces derive from the repertory of Notre Dame, and
some exist elsewhere in other versions with different texts: Surrexit de tumulo is a contrafactum of Exiit diluculo (Carmina Burana I); Verbum Bonum is the original of the parody Vinum Bonum (Feast of Fools); and the 3-part conductus motet Alpha bovi
also exists as a three-part clausula, a two-part motet and a monophonic
song by Gautier de Coincy. Interestingly enough the tenor is not quite
the Domino tenor. It seems to have been altered in a few places
to fit the melody, suggesting that the melody was a pre-existing folk
tune and someone realised that the notes of the Benedicamus Domino tenor could almost be fitted to it!
Several
polyphonic works are known only through this source and are possibly
Spanish in origin, though they display clearly the close connection
between the peninsula and France — examples here are Belial vocatur, an unusual 4-part motet; Ex illustri,
a rare duple-metre motet honouring St Catherine; and Fa fa mi fa. It
has also been suggested that many of the texts are in fact products of
Spain. They are often unique to this source, or have concordances only
in other Spanish manuscripts, so it would seem that a school of Spanish
poets flourished in the 12th and 13th centuries who were well aware of
the subject matter and techniques employed by their contemporaries in
France.
The Codex contains 45 monophonic and 141 polyphonic pieces covering a wide range of styles — motet; conductus (Surrexit de tumulo); sequence (Verbum bonum et suavi); conductus motet (Belial vocatur/Tenor, Ex illustri, Alpha bovi/Domino); a solmization exercise (Fa fa mi fa/Ut re mi ut); trope (Agnus Dei/Regula moris); Sanctus setting; gradual; alleluia; and four unique planctus or laments. The first of these, Plange Castella,
was written on the death of Sancho III, father of the convent's founder
Alfonso VIII. When Sancho died the kingdoms of Castile and León were
divided between two sons. Rex obiit, the third lament, was written to honour Alfonso VIII himself, and Quis dabit capiti meo acquam was perhaps written for his grandson Ferdinand, later to be canonised. The last planctus,
O monialis concio, laments the death of an Abbess of Las Huelgas — the rubric reads De dompna Maria Gundissalvi de Aguero, abtissa et nobilissima super omnes abbatissas.
CODEX CALIXTINUS
Known to all as either the Codex Calixtinus or the Liber Sancti Jacobi, this source, now held in the library of Santiago Cathedral, is described by its author simply as Jacobus.
The contents of Jacobus
include, in five books, a letter fictitiously attributed to Pope
Calixtus II, the supposed editor of the manuscript; the story of
Charlemagne's peers attributed to an Archbishop Turpin of Rheims; 22
miracles of St James; the Legend of St James; what can only be described
as a 12th century guidebook for pilgrims on the road to Santiago; and
finally, in Books I and V, incipits and music for the Office and Mass,
monophonic and polyphonic conductus and versus — a large number
of chants and polyphonic settings which have long been regarded as a
selection from the early musical repertory of the Cathedral of Santiago
de Compostela.
But it is now widely accepted that the manuscript
was in fact an all-purpose teaching manual belonging to an itinerant
French grammar and music master and his usher, which also embodied the
contributions of a succession of such masters.
The script,
decoration and text of the main body of the work is French, though some
have argued that the musical notation is Spanish. It was probably copied
at or near Vezelay, and one Aimeric Picaud (thought to be the
schoolmaster's usher) was probably the composer of some of the
polyphony. The other pieces are all attributed in the manuscript either
to unknown composers or to composers associated with Paris and Notre
Dame — Magister Airardus Viziliacensis, Magister Gauterius, Ato Episcopus Trecensis and Magister Albertus Parisiensis are the names attached to the four conductus recorded here.
In
fact, it seems that the history of the contents of Jacobus may have
begun at St Jacques de la Boucherie, Paris. The master is thought to
have taught at a school connected with St Jacques, then gone to Cluny,
where apparently not all his work was approved by the monks.
The
manuscript, already quite unusual in its scope, is full of deliberate
and learned distortions of grammar, rhetoric, theology and logic, all to
be spotted and corrected by students; and on closer examination it
seems that the services contained in Book I are for secular, not
monastic, Offices; the presence of an abnormal number of Benedicamus settings (for use at the end of lessons?) would support the idea of use in school.
Whatever
is intentionally wrong with any of the items ascribed to Calixtus
himself, there is nothing wrong with the music, though theories that it
was meant specifically for use at Santiago cathedral are not tenable.
Most of it would be suitable for school music teaching and worship, and
some of the service music of Book I seems to belong to a kind of
altemative Feast of Fools, celebrated by the master and his students
either at Second Vespers on 30 December, the Feast of the Translation of
St James, or on 25 July, the Feast of the Passion of St James.
Even
the Pilgrim Guide was designed for teaching, filled as it is with bad
Latin, quotations to be spotted, geography lessons and schoolboy
howlers; and the guide covers the same ground again and again, each time
the journey having a different secondary theme. At least the guide
appears to be written from firsthand experience. Whoever wrote it
probably visited Santiago on business rather than as a pilgrim around
1130, possibly in connection with the administration of a grammar school
in Santiago.
The original material for Jacobus was
probably collated by 1140, and though many later copies have been
identified — all more or less incomplete — it would seem that the
manuscript held in Santiago Cathedral is the archetypal fair copy.
Appended
to the Codex are several leaves, almost certainly Spanish in origin.
One of the last, possibly older than the rest, contains the Latin
pilgrim song Dum pater familias. It was probably well-known and,
like the French material, seems to have had some didactic intent — St
James's name appears in several cases of the first declension: Jacobus, Jacobi, Jacobo.
It seems that most of the Codex,
including the polyphony, was present in Santiago by 1173, when Arnaldus
de Monte, a monk of Ripoll, made a copy of it. He says that he found it
‘In Ecclesia’ — which, given all the Spanish additions, probably
meant that the volume was in possession of a schoolmaster at a grammar
school in Santiago, a school very possibly connected with the Cathedral.
If in fact Jacobus
does not contain a special Santiago repertory, then what is the
justification for including the musical works here? There can be little
doubt about the relevance of the pilgrim song Dum pater familias.
As for the polyphonic works, I would suggest that at least some parts
of the Codex were of special interest and importance to the Spaniards.
Whatever the provenance of the material, the texts deal with St James
and the music is of a high standard, so it would be surprising if the
works remained unknown; and we can never know how many of the French
pilgrims to Santiago had received at least a part of their education
from the pages of Jacobus.
The polyphony of Jacobus
has presented musicologists with serious problems in the interpretation
of its rhythms because they attempted to apply the complex rules of
quite unsuitable modal or mensural rhythmic systems to a much more
simple style of notation. In fact, individual voice-parts display a
clear similarity to the syllabic style of the troubadour chanson. The occasional melismas, reminiscent of those found in the high-style chanson,
also reflect the flowing discant of the St Martial repertory. Vertical
lines in the manuscript help align voices, notes and text. The need to
apply too many complex rules would have made it quite impossible to
perform the music from the notation, but the most obvious and simple
approach works so well that it is difficult to imagine any other
solution! Each syllable or melisma takes one beat, with the occasional
lengthening of a note to accommodate more than one (clearly defined)
melisma in the other part.
CANTIGAS DE AMIGO
The seven Cantigas de Amigo
of Martim Codax, the 13th-century Galician juglar, are the earliest
surviving examples of Iberian secular music. Codax was possibly
connected with the court of Don Dinis of Portugal. His seven poems
appear in two manuscripts, one of them in the Vatican, but both without
music. In 1914 the Madrid bookseller Pedro Vindel discovered a third
manuscript in the binding of a 16th century copy of Cicero's De Officiis.
Here at last were melodies, though incomplete and corrupt, for six of
the Codax Cantigas. The parchment is torn and some of the notes are
missing or blurred, but it is clear from the notation that it dates from
around 1300. The scribe drew the staves for the sixth song, but
unfortunately did not fill in the notes.
The songs in this
manuscript appear in the same order as in the others, suggesting a
definite cycle — not a narrative, but variations on the same theme, and
possibly the first extant song cycle.
Although Vigo does not lie
on the Pilgrim Road, it is only a little way from Padrón, where the body
of St James is believed to have arrived in Spain. But for us there is a
far better reason for including the cycle here — these seven tiny,
simple and repetitive songs are among the most passionate and moving
pieces we have ever performed, and the cumulative effect of the cycle is
utterly devastating.
PÓRTICO DE LA GLORIA
The
apocalyptic vision of St John was widely illustrated in Romanesque and
Gothic churches and manuscripts, and the twenty-four Elders described in
the Book of Revelation appear frequently in church doorways,
particularly on the pilgrim roads to Santiago. In the biblical
description the Elders are each holding an instrument in one hand and a
vase of incense in the other. The relevant passages from the Vulgate and
in translation appear as follows:
Et...
vigintiquattuor seniores ceciderunt coram Agno habentes singuli
citharas et phialas aureas plenas odoramentorum, quae stint orationes
sanctorum.
(‘And round about the throne were four and twenty
seats; and upon the seats I saw four and twenty elders sitting, clothed
in white raiment; and they had on their heads crowns of gold...
And...
the four and twenty elders fell down before the Lamb, having every one
of them harps, and golden vials full of odours, which are the prayers of
saints’. Revelation IV.4, V.8)
I have long been fascinated
by the make-up of this particular medieval orchestra. Not only are the
stone carvings of the instruments incredibly detailed and accurate, but
there is also a certain sense and symmetry in the make-up of the group.
One cannot always dismiss medieval iconogaphy as artistic licence and
symbolism. True, pictures of music-making appear more realistic when
fewer musicians are involved, but I think it is dangerous to insist that
any large group of musicians — be they Angels or Elders — are unlikely
to represent actual medieval orchestras, but only symbolize heavenly
music to the glory of God. Surely some artists depicted instrumental
ensembles with which they had been familiar.
Jacobus has something interesting and perhaps enlightening to say on the matter:
Now
this description may have been exaggeratedly all-embracing for effect,
but even today in Morocco traditional ensembles consist of large numbers
of violins, some lutes, a rebab and percussion. So for this recording I
brought together what must be one of the largest medieval ensembles of
modem times (certainly the largest collection of medieval fiddlers) in
order to reproduce the make-up and sound of the Pórtico de la Gloria
ensemble as closely as possible. Given the limited availability of good
specialist players and instruments, it is as well that not all
twenty-four Elders on the Tympanum are actually holding instruments!
One
of the most important constituents of the group must be the
organistrum, and I was fortunate to enlist the aid and instrument of
Mary Remnant, music director of the Confratemity of St James and one of
the greatest authorities on the pilgrimage, its music, instruments and
architecture. Four 3-string ‘8-shape’ fiddles or medieval viols flanked
the organistrum, two on either side, then psaltery, zither (substituting
for the medieval rotta), harps, gittems, and finally 5- and 3-string
harps, gitterns, and finally 5- and 3-string fiddles played at the
shoulder.
What should the ensemble play? The most apt work in the repertory, Dum pater familias,
also presented the best material for such an ensemble — certainly the
melody offers many opportunities for embellishment and the improvisation
of extra parts and fuller textures.
Did the experiment work? We
all feel that it did, and not just well, but to an astonishing degree,
as did the use of large forces in other carefully chosen works. It
seemed natural, in the light of the description in Jacobus and
the size and make-up of some modern ethnic ensembles, to employ the
fiddle band in a few of the Cantigas de Santa Maria, with and without
other instruments and voices. De grad'a Santa Maria and Non e gran cousa have been discussed elsewhere, but it is worth pointing out here that the (unperformed) texts of Non sofre Santa Maria and Por dereito ten a Virgen, two Cantigas played by the fiddle band alone, concern pilgrims on the road to Santiago; and the wild instrumental prelude and interludes of Non e gran cousa are based on Cantiga 77, Da que Deus mamou,
which tells of a miracle at Lugo, a town situated a little to the north
of the pilgrim road soon after Triacastela in Galicia. It is now a main
centre for the manufacture of the Galician bagpipe known as gaita, to be heard throughout the region and particularly in Santiago.
GONZALO DE BERCEO
Gonzalo
de Berceo took his name from the village where he was born and where
the monastery of San Millán de la Cogolla is still to be found. He never
left his native region, retaining strong connections with the
monasteries of San Millán and Santo Domingo de Silos, but was well
enough educated to be highly regarded by his fellows. He wrote at a time
of ecclesiastical retrenchment — the Church was actively strengthening
its sway by reaching the people through a revival of interest in local
shrines — and his works include Vidas and miracles of local
saints and of the Virgin Mary. He loved and respected the people and
managed, through his writings, to enlighten their confusion concerning
doctrine and scripture.
PERFORMANCE PRACTICE
Many
links connect European secular music of the middle ages with music of
the world of Islam. These influences came through contact with Persian
scholars, through the Crusades and through the Moorish occupations of
Spain and Sicily. It was particularly apparent in the western adoption
of instruments such as the lute, rebec, shawm and nakers.
In the
Islamic tradition, music functioned chiefly as a carrier of text.
Improvised accompaniment was an important ingredient of performance, and
elaborate procedures were developed for making a large and complicated
work out of relatively simple strophic material. Accompaniments were not
written down, but devised by the performer to suit the character and
subject matter of the text.
The format of the Arabic Nuba
is an excellent example of how a ‘complete’ performance of a medieval
song could have been constructed, particularly in a region like Spain
which had close links with Arabic culture.
First we might hear a
free instrumental improvisation where the musician checks the tuning,
establishes the tonal centre and possibly introduces fragments of the
material to be performed. This is immediately followed by a more
rhythmic and coherent introduction, and when at last the attention of
the audience has been successfully attracted the song begins. Soon there
is a change to more instrumental music (an improvised interlude), then
the song again, and so on until the conclusion.
Although we read
of simpler and less organised styles of performance in the more northern
reaches of Europe, many medieval writers tell of singers accompanying
themselves with harp or fiddle, and improvising preludes, interludes and
postludes to their songs.
As to the general question of
instrumental involvement in the performance of monophonic song, it is
essential to approach the problem from the points of view of style,
function, geography, and in particular genre. Although the evidence is
fragmentary it is possible to deduce discernible patterns — certain
genres are particularly associated with instrumental participation,
while others are not.