medieval.org
Olive Music OM 007
2005
Giovanni da CASCIA
(fl. mid 14th c.)
1. O tu cara sciença mie musica [4:12]
madrigale a 2
Gherardellus de FLORENTIA
(c. 1320/25—1362/63?)
2. Una colomba [5:13]
madrigale a 2
Laurentius de FLORENTIA
(d. 1372/73)
3. Dolgomi a voi maestri [3:36]
madrigale a 3
4. I'credo ch'i' dormia [5:01]
madrigale a 2
Vincenzo da RIMINI
(fl. mid 14th c.)
5. In forma quasi [1:51]
caccia
Nicolaus de PERUGIA
(fl. 2nd half 14th c.)
6. O sommo specchio [3:27]
madrigale a 3, instrumental
Bartolino da PADOVA
(fl. c. 1365—c. 1405)
7. Non correr troppo [6:24]
ballata a 3
8. Ricorditi di me [2:22]
ballata a 3, contratenor from Codex Mancini, Lucca;
in Squarcialupi-Codex a 2
9. Inperial sedendo [5:48]
madrigale a 3, version from Codex Mancini, Lucca;
in Squarcialupi-Codex a 2
10. La doulse çere [3:05]
madrigale a 2, instrumental
tabulature from Codex Faenza (harp)
Andreas de FLORENTIA
(c. 1350—c. 1415)
ballate a 3
11. Pianto non partirà [5:42]
12. Sotto candido vel [3:04]
13. Donna, bench'i mi parta [4:00]
14. Presunzion da ignorança [3:03]
15. Perché veder non posso [2:18]
instrumental
16. E più begli occhi [4:54]
Sandra
17. Dè, che farò, signore? [3:15]
18. Non più doglie ebbe Dido [5:59]
TETRAKTYS
Jill Feldman, soprano
Kees Boeke, flauto, viella
Maria Cleary, arpa
Silvia Tecardi, viella
Recorded: 4-7 May 2005
at the Pieve SS. Tiburzio & Susanna, Badia Agnano, Arezzo, Italy
Production:
Mario Martinoli | Kees Boeke
Recording engineer: Valter Neri
Pre-editing: Kees Boeke
Digital editing: Valter Neri
Liner notes: Laurens Lütteken, Kees Boeke
Design and lay-out: Artwize Amsterdam, Charlottte Boersma
cover illustration:
The Church Militant and Triumphant (detail)
Andrea da Firenze (Andrea Bonaiuti)
1365-68 Fresco
Cappella Spagnuolo, Santa Maria Novella, Florence
Ⓟ Olive Music 2006
© Kees Boeke & Olive Music 2006
Treasury of a musical epoch:
THE SOUARCIALUPI CODEX
and the music of the Italian Trecento
The
music of the 14th century excels in a number of particularities.
Although the motet had not lost its preeminence as the most important
vehicle for polyphonic music, it had to allow alongside, for the first
time in musical history, a highly perfected system of secular polyphony.
Also the artful setting of the Mass became more and more the focal
point of composers. And for the first time a clear regional
differentiation came into being, that found its very characteristic and
in any case unmistakable expression in its respective Italian and French
spheres of influence. The backdrop however for these consequential
changes, was formed by a change in the notational system that marked the
end of the 13th century. If before it had only been possible to
organize time by means of rhythmical modules of groups of notes, now, at
least in principle, the rhythmical value of each single note could be
determined. Thus the graphic symbol of the single note had become
significant in two ways: with regard to pitch by its position on a
system of lines, and with regard to time value by its graphical shape.
The new "musica mensurabilis", "measured music", made it now possible to
individualize the rhythmical form of each single piece.
The
invention of this new notation is closely linked to a generally changing
relationship to time itself which around 1300 instead of a
metaphysical, had become a physical phenomenon. This manifested itself
for example at the end of the 13th century in the invention of the wheel
clock with weight and escapement which made it possible to measure time
independently from external resources like water or light. It also
meant the end of the monastic monopoly on time. Time became the domain
of the economically flourishing cities that needed a precise and
abstract coordination of temporal spaces, for example in matters of
commerce. "Musica rnensurabilis", which enabled a completely different
control over time organisation, is closely related to this change,
however in two very separate ways. According to the scholastic doctrine,
and under the influence of the Paris University, the new notation was
developed strictly according to the rules of deduction (developing the
smaller value out of the bigger). In Italy, however, under the influence
of the more empirically oriented University of Padua, things were kept
more practical: here the procedure was inductive, i.e. one took the
smallest value, the result, as starting point and therefore had a much
more immediate access to the possibilities of this new notational
system.
This discrepancy had serious consequences for Italian
music, which already used another graphical system than the French, with
6 lines rather than 5. Apart from a pronounced reluctance towards the
motet, there existed in Italy a new style of musical expression that had
to do with the long-standing tradition of writing in two parts. The
music is not only oriented much more strongly towards sonorities, but at
the same time it pays particular attention to the musical translation
of the text, in a hitherto unknown and unusual form. This characteristic
points in any case to the fact that Italian music, differing from its
French counterpart, had its own social environment: it was a structural
part of the highly differentiated city culture of the northern and
central Italian signorie, and as such was an immediate ingredient of their local representation and self-manifestation.
A
central position between these city-states was held by Florence, the
town of Dante and Petrarca whose tuscan dialect would eventually become
Italy's national language. A special, highly sophisticated musical
culture grew in the intellectual climate in this Florence of the 14th
century; its protagonists belonged almost exclusively to clerical
circles and formed a rich network for generations. Florence in the 14th
century was a musical centre of the first order, in a period of
incessant political unrest (Dante died in 1321 in exile, as did Petrarca
50 years later), of poverty and plague (Boccaccio's Decameron being a
result), and of wars and conflicts (for example with the Visconti in
Milan). In other words, a city in an extremely unstable situation from
which eventually the power of the Medici would emerge. Notwithstanding,
or even thanks to these circumstances, public life in Florence was
colourful and brilliant, and music played its special role in this.
Although we are poorly informed about instrumental music, and mostly
through indirect sources, vocal music is richly documented. The
structural pillars were the two poetical/musical forms of the madrigal (which has nothing to do with its 16th century counterpart) and the ballata, refrain forms in which the music in a certain way echoes the structure of the text. Both madrigal and ballata could be three-part, but until the end of the century, two-part writing was preferred. On the other hand, there was the caccia, defined musically by its two canonic upper voices against an independent tenor. The caccia was the typical playground for musical artifice, like in Vincenzo da Rimini's in forma quasi.
When
we look at the opulent Florentine musical culture of the trecento, one
aspect is particularly striking: there are many direct documents,
accounts, messages, poetry—but not the music itself. Our knowledge of
the compositions is based on a manuscript that was written much later
and from which certainly nobody ever performed. A manuscript at whose
compilation only one of the composers represented on this CD, Andrea da
Firenze, could have been present; a music manuscript, however, that
belongs to the most lavish and precious that were ever produced. Today
this codex lies in the Biblioteca Medicea-Laurenziana in Florence and
bears the name Squarcialupi-Codex, after its possessor in the 15th
century, organist of the Florentine cathedral, Antonio Squarcialupi
(1416-1480). When and from whom he got the manuscript is unknown, and he
was certainly not involved in its compilation.
The uniqueness of
this copious manuscript lies not only in its overall lavish
presentation, its precious miniatures and its generous use of gilding.
More than anything, it possesses peculiarities that are not to be found
in any other musical manuscript of the 14th and 15th centuries, and that
shed a spectacular light on Florentine musical culture. It was most
likely manufactured between 1410 and 1415 in the monastery of S. Maria
degli Angeli, a convent that was founded around 1300 and for which
Filippo Brunelleschi had started a new church around this same time.
The
vast Codex only contains secular works (227 ballate, 115 madrigals, 12
cacce) by 14 composers that all worked permanently or at least
intermittently in Florence. It is strictly arranged according to
composer, and chronologically: the oldest, Giovanni da Cascia at the
beginning, the youngest, Andrea de Florentia at the end. The last
section of the manuscript is dedicated to Jovannes Horganista de
Florentia, but contains no entries.
This arrangement according to
composer is unique, and emphasizes a particularity of Florentine
musical culture: the perception of the single work as expression of the
individuality of its composer. This corresponds to the fact that all
sections are preceded by precious miniature portraits of each musician:
images that certainly do not resemble the actual people, but have the
goal of demonstratively illustrating the singularity and uniqueness of
each individual. Indeed, not only the individual composers, but each
single work in the Squarcialupi-Codex is proof of and plays its part in
this new cultivation of musical individuality. If one listens for
example to the clear separation of vocal and instrumental sections, and
the refined treatment of rhythm in Giovanni da Cascia's homage to music (O tu cara sciença),
the oldest piece present on this recording, the difference from the
compositions of Andreas de Florentia becomes manifest, and not only
because the latter are in 3 voices. The sonorities of the stormy Deh, che faro form as much of a contrast with the former as they do with his own elegiac Dido-ballata Non più doglie.
Each
composer is present in the manuscript as his own, unique personality.
Looking at the works themselves, we can recognize these tendencies
towards individualisation in every detail. Thus, the Signoria of
Florence in the 1451, century was permeated by a musical culture that
was as self-willed as it was ambitious. Its prerequisites lied as much
in the notational possibilities of a new system of organizing musical
time, as in the effectiveness of music in the realm of city
representation.The composing clerics of Florence decidedly changed the
history of music, much like Dante and Petrarca changed the history of
literature. The belated mirror of this is the Squarcialupi-Codex,
likewise produced in a monastery: a representative document, a musical
treasury of a whole epoch.
BIOGRAPHIES
Andreas de Florentia,
probably a native of Pistoia, is one of the few composers in the 14th
century, whose life is relatively well documented. His life is closely
connected to the spiritual centre of Florence, around the church of the
Santissima Annunziata. It was founded by the order of the Servi di Maria
of Monte Senario that established itself in Florence around 1250 and
soon became an important place of pilgrimage because of the miracle of
the fresco (the completion of an Annunciation, begun by Bartolomeo, by
an angel). Andrea, born perhaps around the middle of the century,
entered the monastery that had for some time pursued ambitious new
building projects, in 1375. Trained as an organist (hence his surnames
Frater Andreas Horganista or Andrea degli Organi) he was, together with
Francesco Landini, responsible for the construction of a new organ in
the cloister church, and a little later, in 1387, also in the cathedral.
In his order he had a meteoric career, from master of the novices
(1379) to prior (first time in 1380) and then to head of his order
(1407-1410). The extant oeuvre of Andrea is voluminous,
comprising 18 works for two, and 12 for three voices; they are
exclusively ballate that, except for one composition, appear only in the
Squarcialupi codex. He died in Florence in 1415.
Bartolino da Padova.
When Bartolino was born is unclear, but it was probably in Padua. There
he entered the order of the Carmelites, and possibly he was even prior
in his monastery. Apparently he stood in close relationship to the
Carrara family until their downfall after the conquest of Padua by the
Venetians in 1405. It seems that he lived in Florence during the
penultimate decade of the 14th century, maybe in the company of the
exiled Francesco Novella. (portrait) Several of his extant works are
connected with concrete political events in Padua. Although Bartolino's
padovano background is unquestionable, he was clearly also an extremely
well-known composer in Florence. Of him 38 works are attributable (27
Ballate and 11 Madrigals), and 37 are preserved in the Squarcialupi
Codex, partially as unica. Some of the compositions exist in versions a 2
and a 3, whereby it is unclear which is the older version, and if the
third voice is actually in all cases by the hand of Bartolino himself.
Gherardellus de Florentia
probably spent all his life in Florence. The first traces of him are
found in 1343 as a cleric by the name of "Nicholo" at the church of
Santa Reparata, i.e. the cathedral that had already become a major
construction site since the inception of the building of the new
cathedral Santa Maria del Fiore. He obtained a position there as a
chaplain in 1345, which held until 1351. After that, and maybe also
because the stagnating works on the new cathedral had been resumed, he
changed over to the order of Vallombrosa. There might be a connection
between this and his change of name, since in one document he is named
‘Ser Nicholo vochato Ser Gherardello’. Until 1362 he is traceable in
Santa Trinità, at the church of the Vallombrosians, after which we lose
track of him. In a
sonnet from the 1360's his death is lamented by
the poet Simone Peruzzi. Among the works of Gherardello are found sacred
compositions, solo ballate, 10 two-part madrigals and a three-part
caccia.
Giovanni da Cascia's biography is not supported by
any certain documents. He seems to originate from Cascia (near
Florence) as his name suffix indicates. Possibly he is identical with an
organist by the name of Giovanni (in the Squarcialupi Codex he is
depicted with an organetto), who worked around 1360 in the imposing
church of Santa Trinità, the church of the Vallombrosians which had been
consecrated in 1327. However, in the 14th century the name "Giovanni"
was more or less used at random, and so we can not be all too certain.
At any rate, it seems that Giovanni da Cascia was no cleric, and on the
basis of his works we may assume that his main activity belongs to the
first half of the century. 19 Madrigals have been preserved (no
ballate), and O tu cara sciença mie musica must have been one of the most popular songs of its time, as it survives in no less than five manuscripts.
Laurentius de Florentia,
also known as Ser Laurentius Masii or Masini, belongs to the most
influential circle of Florentine musicians around the middle of the 14th
century. He is first mentioned in his native city Florence in 1348 as a
canon at the Basilica di San Lorenzo, at that point in time the
building still dating from the 11th century, which was, through
encouragement of the Medici, replaced in the 15th century by the famous
new church. Laurentius was linked to San Lorenzo all his life, the
church where Francesco Landini also worked from 1365 onwards. Although
comparatively few works have been preserved by him, he was still
considered a celebrity in the 15th century. There remain a Sanctus, a
caccia, ten two- and three-part madrigals as well as five ballate. He
set texts by Boccaccio and Dante to music.
Nicolaus de Perugia,
as one of the few composers present in the Squarcialupi Codex, does not
come from Florence or its surroundings, but from Perugia. He must have
spent some time in Florence, though, since in 1362 he visited the same
Santa Trinità monastery of the Vallombrosiani in which Gherardellus had
been active up to that year. As in the works of Andrea da Firenze, we
find references to the Visconti from Milan, who were at war with
Florence at the end of the 14th century. Notwithstanding the fact that,
in certain aspects, Nicolaus apparently was an outsider in the group of
Florentine composers (also visible in certain stylistic peculiarities),
his works are unusually well documented and almost exclusively in
Florentine sources: more than 20 two-part ballate, almost 20 two-and
three-part madrigals as well as three cacce.
Vincenzo da Rimini
seems to originate from the area of Rimini or Imola, if we can trust
his description as "Abbas de Arimino" or respectively "l'abate Vincençio
da Imola". Nothing certain is known about his life in, or connection
with Florence. It is equally unclear whether he as Benedictine had
anything to do with Santa Trinità. His preserved oeuvre is very small
(four madrigals and two cacce) but shows exceptional originality in both
the cacce.
Laurenz Lütteken
Translation: Kees Boeke, Robert Claire
THE COMPOSITIONS
Codex Squarcialupi (ca.1340-ca1400)
(Biblioteca Laurenziana, Florence, MS. Palatino 87)
GIOVANNI DA CASCIA
— O tu, cara sciença mie musica (madrigale) a2
This
madrigal in praise of the art, or better, science of music lacks, as is
unfortunately often the case, the second stanza. In order to preserve
the musical form in its integrity, we have provided an instrumental
rendering of the missing verse. Noteworthy is the emphasis on "dolce
melodia" and "vaghi canti", epithets later also frequently used by other
trecento composers and often associated with Landini. The top
part is clearly written in an already highly developed diminution style:
two different readings, from Sq and Pan. have been adopted here, as
well as a hypothetical "simple" version of the Cantus in the harp.
GHERARDELLO DA FIRENZE
— Una colomba (madrigale) a2
Typical
allegorical madrigal with a second ritornello (AABB). Text setting is
perfectly syllabic, suggesting that the remaining material is to be
performed instrumentally. The opening phrase ("Una colomba") seems to
have been picked up by Ciconia for his "Una Panthera". Instrumental
intermezzi and vocal melismas are astonishingly descriptive of the text.
The enigmatic, undecipherable "sguardo d'amore" of the beloved (the
colomba) signifies suffering or delight. The lover remains caught
between two worlds, or interpretations.
There is a dreamlike quality to the scene.
LORENZO MASINI
— Dolgo mi a voi (madrigale) a3
This
is the second madrigal devoted to music, this time in a negative, or
critical vein. It is a complaint against dilettantism in music
(scientia!) and derides and imaginatively illustrates how amateurs ruin
our notes. The musical illustration comprises a surprising variety of
effects: offensive or overly sweet harmony, inappropriate trumpet
signals, the ridiculous ut re mi fa sol to describe the guidonian hand,
and the "perfect" ending to conclude the argument. On the whole, this
madrigal is actually written in the form of a derailing canon
or"caccia". Again we must regret the missing second stanza.
— I credo ch'i dormia (madrigale)
Another
dream, a favourite topic with the early madrigalists. Since the text is
incomplete, it is hard to get a clear picture of the event that is put
into music here. The mere quantity of musical material almost suggests a
type of mini-opera! The lover sees the goddess of Love at the moment of
falling in love.., then what happens? ...but he remains pensively in
the dream, in love with his Lady. There are very few lyrics, but the
music suggests a stormy event in the (missing) second stanza.
VINCENZO D'ARIMINO
— In forma quasi (caccia) a3
This
is an authentic caccia that combines depicting the dream state between
sleeping and waking with an idea very similar to the three centuries
younger "Cries of London". There is a storm, a harbour scene with
fishmongers shouting. The protagonist wakes up to the noise and returns
to sleep, as does the music. There is a particularly unreal cadence in F
major at the end of this d Dorian composition.
NICCOLO DA PERUGIA
— O sommo specchio (madrigale) a3 inst
A
very unusual, and perhaps unique, through-composed madrigal: the verse
lines flow into each other, merely separated by vague cadential moments;
the second stanza continues seamlessly from the first with entirely
different music. The counterpoint and ficta games are highly
speculative; a correct text underlay is either impossible or perfectly
arbitrary.
BARTOLINO DA PADOVA
— Non correr troppo (ballata) a3
One of several madrigals (cf. Chi tempo ha)
of a moralistic nature, with an admonition against haste. The music
seems ironical and vividly depicts the flow of time, the haste and the
"freno" in rhythm, melody and harmony. In modern Italian the saying
goes: "Chi va piano va lontano" . The counterpoint and harmonic idiom
seem to follow the road taken by O sommo specchio.
— Recorditi di me (ballata) a3 |
contratenor from Codex Mancini, Lucca
We added the contratenor that survives in the Codex Mancini
although the piece is incomplete (and completed here). A very delicate
love song where the lover says "I am perfect, but you rejected me
without giving any reason..." The phrases are separated by pauses (of
perplexity?) as happens also in some ballate by Andrea and Landini.
— Inperiale sedendo (madrigale) a3 |
contratenor from Codex Mancini, Lucca
Emblematic/heraldic
madrigal in honour of Francesco Novello da Carrara, who was the
governor of Padova at the time. It was sufficient to mention the
"Saracino" to indicate the Carrara family. It was probably written in
1401 to celebrate the investiture of Francesco as imperial general by
the then-newly elected Emperor Ruprecht of the Rhine Palatinate (Robert
of Bavaria). Ciconia's Per quella strada and Con Lagrime bagnandome were written also for the Carrara family. It is no surprise, then, that the musical language and construction of Inperiale show remarkable similarities with Ciconia's famous Panthera
(opening, ending and the fanfare-like intermezzo). There Remains the
tintillating question of who was first... We have integrated the
Contratenor from the Mancini Codex, which, with its manneristic
syncopations is very typical of Bartolino. We have interpreted the
"quaternaria" at the end of the piece as an "octonaria" in so-called
"longa" notation.
— La doulce çere inst (CODEX FAENZA)
The
madrigal La doulce çere most likely refers to a specific person in its
heraldic symbols, but lacks a reference to any single datable event; it
was presumably written to honour a descendant of the Papafava family in
the years preceding the suppression of their arms by Francesco Novello,
whose signoria spanned the period 1390-1405. This is the diminution as found in the famous Codex Faenza.
ANDREA DA FIRENZE
— Planto non partirà (ballata) a3
— Sotto candido vel (ballata) a3
— Donna, bench'i' mi parta (ballata) a3
— Presuntion da ignoranza (ballata) a3
— Perché veder non posso (ballata) a3 inst
— E più begli occhi (ballata) a3
— Deh, che farò? (ballata) a3
— Non più dogli ebbe Dido (ballata) a3
Andrea's
compositions are unique in their avantgardistic compositional
technique, with recognizable elements from Bartolino, Landini and
Ciconia, and very unusual in their thoroughly through-composed manner.
This might be music that was understood only by a small circle of
connoisseurs, but did not "export". Certainly his stylistic
extrapolations of the truly Italian trecento tradition are very
different from the choices made for example by his equally eccentric
colleague Matteo da Perugia in Milan, who tried to exalt the French Ars Subtilior
in his own way; both were equally "unsuccessful" in the end and the
course of history preferred the much more harmonic and streamlined
solutions found by Ciconia. Six out of eight ballatas presented here are
love songs with intense and often bitter and moralistic overtones. Presuntion makes a poignant moralistic statement against arrogance, the fruit of ignorance. The moving final song "Non più dogli ebbe Dido" can be read both as an homage to (polyphonic) music, and as an eulogy of Andrea's favourite instrument, the organ.
© Kees Boeke